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Harriss, John () Depoliticizing development: the world bank and social capital. Anthem South Asian studies. Anthem Press, London.
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Civil Society and Government. Houtzager, Peter P. Putnam, Robert D.

Depoliticizing Development The World Bank and Social Capital Anthem World Economics Series

Fukuyama, Francis. Evans, Peter. Fox, Jonathan. Woolcock, Michael. Harris, J. The Concept of Social Capital. Wellman, Barry. Harriss, J. London, UK: Anthem Press, Fraser, Nancy. Edited by Craig Calhoun. Calhoun, Craig, ed. Habermas and the Public Sphere. Cohen, J. Edited by S. Elster, J. Mouffe, Chantal. The Democratic Paradox. London, UK: Verso, , chapter 4. Healey, P. Campbell and S.

Malden, MA: Blackwell, , pp. Hajer, M. Wagenaar, eds. Christens, Brian, and Paul W. Eade, Deborah, ed. Oxford, UK: Oxfam, Mercer, Claire. Obiyan, A. Kamat, Sangeeta. Heller, P. Roberts, Brian. The Making of Citizens. Avritzer, L. Democracy and the Public Space in Latin America. Carley, et al. Urban Development and Civil Society. London, UK: Earthscan Publications, , chapter Montgomery, Mark. Edited by Richard Stren, et al. Grindle, M. Edited by Philip Oxhorn, Joseph S.

Tulchin, and Andrew D. Baiocchi, G. Melo, M. Edited by Joseph Tulchin and Andrew Selee. Oxhorn, Philip, Joseph S. Selee, eds. London, UK: Earthscan Publications, , chapter 6. Nordholt, H. Sidel, J. Ahmed, S. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Pathak Shamabesh, , chapters 1, 2, and 4. Harriss, John. Reyes, and S. Building ties: social capital network analysis of a forest community in a biosphere reserve in Chiapas, Mexico.

Ecology and Society 17 3 : 3. Networks and rules that foster that collective action have been defined as social capital. However, their causal link is still not fully understood. We use social network analysis to assess social capital, decision-making, and collective action in a forest-based common pool resource management in La Sepultura Biosphere Reserve Chiapas, Mexico. Political Stability versus Social Cohesion 1.

Index of political stability and violence from Kaufmann, Kraay and Mastruzzi Thus, this exploratory analysis of the development significance of social capital and social cohesion in Latin America has provided some empirical validation for the need to focus attention on these concepts for purposes of both academic research and policy-making.

The findings presented, as well as those in the existing literature, highlight the need for a balanced and integrated approach to development that entails fostering the productive potential and inclusiveness of all citizens. Policy Implications and Final Considerations The topics of social capital and social cohesion appear with increasing frequency in the debate over welfare and development, how to build inclusive societies and how to promote equitable and sustainable growth.

The analysis presented in this paper confirms some of the findings of previous works and points to linkages between the degree of cohesion and key capacities, such as the ability of society to achieve dynamic growth, adapt and flexibly respond to market demands, innovate and incorporate new technologies, implement policies, and maintain a stable and predictable political and policy environment. How then to promote social capital and social cohesion?

Conceptually, there is a difficulty that stems from the lack of an agreed actionable and operational definition of the two. In practical terms, there is the problem of setting priorities that is, which of the different dimensions and determinants to address at particular points in time and the much greater challenge of designing and implementing policies and processes that are capable of changing realities that may be entrenched and have shaped society for many years.

The task is to set in motion virtuous cycles that foster the capacity to reach consensus and strengthen the community by promoting solidarity and inclusion. From the analysis in this paper, the reduction of inequality, the promotion of economic opportunities and the deepening of representation and democratic governance are all-important. Each of these aspects is briefly taken up below.

Reduce inequality and increase opportunities: Sustained inequality as shown in this paper can produce political instability, conflict, rent-seeking, and lower levels of investment and cooperation in the provision of public goods than would otherwise be the case. One of the main priorities Latin America faces, therefore, is to readjust the distributional structure of income and opportunities among individuals and groups.

This means shrinking income and education gaps, raising labor market capability, reducing poverty, expanding the middle class, and creating conditions for social mobility to occur. Investment in more competitive educational systems will facilitate opportunities for participation and upward mobility, especially for the young, and should dampen the incidence of violence and crime.

The region also needs to make its labor markets more flexible and promote job creation as part of a strategy to improve the response capacity to ever-evolving market realities and needs. The greatest challenge of all, however, lies in overcoming the forces and processes that reproduce exclusion.

The task is to achieve equality in access and opportunities for excluded groups by bringing those groups into the political, institutional and community structures. The envelope of measures just identified will help. But, in the end, this is about more far-reaching transformations that focus on rights that need to be respected, citizenship that needs to be deepened, social guarantees that need to be provided, and a new social contract that needs to be forged.

Improve solidarity: The elements to be addressed in new social contracts include solidarity and redistributive equity, both of which need to be given consideration in the next round of fiscal reforms. Over the last two decades, fiscal reforms have largely focused on improving administration and making tax structures simpler, more neutral and better suited to international economic integration.

Issues of redistributive equity have mostly been left to other policy instruments. They need to be taken up going forward. To improve the equity and revenue-raising potential of tax systems, countries should re-assess the distributive effects of their systems; increase direct taxation and revenue mobilization; improve horizontal equity; and tie tax policy to citizen benefits, with a special focus on expenditures that reach the poor. And finally, transform governance: It emerges from the analysis in this paper that social capital and social cohesion cannot be de-linked from citizenship and truly representative democratic processes and institutions.

Some of the aspects of interest here include the notion of equality under the law and the administration of justice, and transparent rules that are conducive to society-wide bargaining and participation. Thought needs to be given to the ways and means to generate capacity to reach inter-temporal agreements, keep clientelism at bay, and formulate and apply state policies sometimes called national projects with a long-term focus.

Social capital and social cohesion can come to the rescue and lend a hand in the pursuit of development and welfare widely shared. For this component an effort was made to also capture the inequities in opportunities among societal groups that can result from ethnic and linguistic divisions. However, the available indicators have the fault of being out of date and also of not adequately measuring the range of possible divisions that can contribute to conflict and unequal opportunities across groups. For these reasons it was decided not to include an indicator for ethno-linguistic fragmentation.

After the variables were standardized, the values of the two sub-indices were calculated, taking the average of the combined values for the variables. Finally, the social cohesion index was calculated as the average of the combined values of the two sub-indices. The hypothetical value of the social cohesion index and of each of its four sub-index components ranges between 0 and 1. This effort complements other work that has been undertaken at the IDB to study and operationalize the concept of social cohesion. These components and their underlying indicators share much in common with the index proposed in this document.

A central criterion in the development of the index in the latter paper was the ability to study the evolution of the index over time and thus to be able to create it for the previous decade and in subsequent periods. The present document sets forth a more explicit definition of social cohesion whose underlying conceptual dimensions, including the positive externalities of social capital and the distribution of political opportunities, are difficult to capture fully using available objective indicators. Thus, the.

Despite the differences in the specification of the index components and in respect to some of the indicators used, the correlation between the two indices is high. The structure of this index is consistent with the definition for social cohesion that has been presented here. Indicators for measuring each one of the subcomponents were selected for conceptual reasons, as developed previously, and also for their availability and comparability among the 18 countries of the region included in the study.

It was decided, consistent with the definition, that the same weight would be attributed to each of the index components. Thus, the individual indicators were indirectly weighted, because while five indicators were used for the distribution of opportunities component only three were used for the social capital index. Future efforts in building an index of social cohesion should be oriented in three directions: i reflection at the conceptual level in respect to the structure and weighting of the subdimensions and indicators, ii the development of conceptually valid and reliable indicators that permit a more precise measurement of each one of the dimensions, and iii the validation of the index by extending the sample of countries to other regions of the world and producing the index for multiple points in time.

Caribbean island nations were not included because opinion polls comparable to the Latinobarometer have not been conducted there. Gini coefficient The Gini coefficient, as calculated in ECLAC , is used; it refers to the inequality in equivalent income among individuals in a given country. Size of the middle class The measurement of the size of the middle class comes from adding the total percentage of income earned in deciles 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 of the population.

Educational Gini coefficient This indicator is calculated from the distribution of the level of schooling attained by the population over 15 years of age. Intergenerational mobility This indicator is based on information from household surveys.

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Depoliticizing development: the world bank and social capital

It compares some characteristics of parents and their children, focusing on adolescents between 16 and 20 years of age. Chileans comply with the law. Very much, to a fair degree, seldom, or not at all? The country means of the responses for , , and are averaged,, standardized on a scale of 0 to 1, and inverted so that higher values reflect greater trust. The index is the average for the three years. Trust in institutions. The index is calculated by averaging the country means for each institution for , , and , averaging across the five institutions, standardizing this result on a scale from 0 to 1, and inverting this number so that higher values reflect greater trust..

Development Indicators. Average annual per capita GDP growth in the period — This indicator combines two to three sub-indices, depending on whether the country is considered a leader in technological innovation. For countries that are not, the technology index is comprised of sub-indices for innovation, capacity to absorb technology transfers, and information and communications technologies. Source: World Economic Forum Government effectiveness index This measurement is a composite index of many of the available indicators for government effectiveness, including cabinet stability, bureaucratic quality including the extent of red tape , and the level of waste in government spending.

This aggregation of indicators from a variety of sources was created using a statistical technique known as unobserved components analysis. Some of the indicators are survey based, others based on expert assessments. Efficiency of public policy This indicator calculates the extent to which policy reflects a socially and economically productive use of scarce resources, based on two components. The second measures whether resources are focused on where they are most effective and comes from the State Capabilities Survey carried out by the IDB.

Source: IDB b. Would you say that they work very well, well, all right, badly or very badly? This index is made up of four indicators. Yes or no? Control of corruption This is a composite index of many of the available indicators dealing with the control of corruption. Derived from a variety of sources, it was calculated using a statistical technique known as unobserved-components analysis.

Some indicators are based on survey material, others on expert opinions. The World Bank indicator is standardized on a scale of 0 to 1, based on the minimum and maximum values found in the global sample of countries. For a description of the indicator, see Kaufmann, Kraay, and Mastruzzi How many would you say were corrupt?

This measurement combines indicators based on survey material and expert opinions. Alesina, A. Income Distribution, Political Instability, and Investment. European Economic Review — Alesina, Alberto and Dani Rodrik. Distributive Politics and Economic Growth. The Quarterly Journal of Economics.


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Social capital - Wikipedia

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Clarke, George. More Evidence on Income Distribution and Growth. Journal of Development Economics. Cole, H.


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